2.2 Models and the limits of government
Governmental steering models and typologies of university
governance require a complementary set of regulations at five or six levels:
government, intermediary, institution, faculty, department, individual.
The choice of a model and typology seems less relevant for the choice
of a juridical approach. Six reasons are worth mentioning; this essay
concentrates on the first four.
- the translation of instructive, but abstract, models into manageable juridical instruments is underdeveloped;
- models seldom indicate how to link the administrative layers;
- to draft a complementary set of regulations at six different levels is difficult enough when it is well co-ordinated; when each (semi-)autonomous body directs its own jurists without a solid frame of reference, it becomes a labyrinth;
- the limitations of traditional legal drafting, the juridical tool-kit, are underestimated; it is mainly Weberian 'order by rule' that guides the lawyers;
- conflicts of interests during implementation are solved by compromises that appear in the regulations. This not only perverts the model, but also common sense in daily practice.
- the strength of the unwritten rules of the game (Scott-Morgan, 1994) is underestimated.
Business administration is also in search of The Grail.
Even excellent and successful companies that combine virtues as close
to customer, hands-on value-driven, autonomy and entrepreneurship, productivity
through people, simple form lean staff, etc, are not safe for ever (Peters
& Waterman, 1982; Waterman, 1994). The short life-cycle of policy
systems (In 't Veld, Füssel, Neave, 1996; p. 46-50), and the dynamics
of the internal and external environment, obviously apply to business
as well as government. McKinsey’s 7S framework: management through
a balance of structure, system, style, staff, skills, strategy, shared
values, is still popular. In this model, rules appear only hidden in 'system'
and 'structure'. Translation into juridical concepts is hardly needed.
In business, regulating is an exception; the company-structure is leading
and there is no government intervention in strategy, skills and staff.
The 7S-framework is also influentual in the public sector, but here regulations
are the finishing touch of political decisions. However, the legislative
process frequently starts after, instead of parallel to, policy development,
so embedding juridical elements is left to the last stage: when the jurists
make an appearance to draft regulations. Subsequently, the policy has
often to be revised during the legislative process, or implementation
is considerbly delayed, or both.
An attempt to transform the 7S into a parallel model that would give guidance
to drafting regulations, has never been made. The same holds true for
higher education steering models that have been developed, prescribed
or analysed. A guide to transformation into viable juridical concepts
-'a juridical shadow model' is also missing in traditional classifications
of steering models like Napoleonic, Humboltian and Anglo-Saxon or State,
market, institution-oriented (Clark, 1983), as well as typologies of governance
as for example state regulated, state-agency, state-controlled, state-aided,
state-supervised (Dill & Sporn, 1995), corporate, selfregulated, loosely
coupled (Weick, 1976) or cybernetic (van Vught, 1995), and most certainly
also in managerial approaches like: total quality management, 'walking
around', 'thinking aloud', entrepreneurship, teamwork, customer focus,
business re-engineering, learning organisation, etc.
In what is for practitioners in governmental organisations an interesting
dissertation, McDaniel (1997) proves ambiguity when 600 experts outside
government, give their views on government steering and supranational
action. It should not be a surprise that experts, even when including
those in ministries, have no interest in claiming success for government
intervention or strongly defending it. It is evident that modern governance
requires a modest government. However, a lame or absent government would
be disastrous. McDaniel deduces ten explanations of the limited success
of government policies, giving us also an insight into the ambitions of
steering models and their makers:
- intrinsic limitations of controllability;
- use of classical steering methods (rules do not reach the shop-floor);
- wide-ranging and complex control signals;
- negative interference between policy instruments;
- no sanctions available or applied;
- policy development takes place in an ivory tower;
- budget-cuts as reasons for change lead to policy games;
- political compromise without consultation of those who implement decisions;
- slow and sluggish decision making;
- short implementation-periods, without feed back by evaluation.
McDaniel concludes that the 'how' of government intervention,
has become more important than the 'why'. His contrasting steering scenarios
are: planning; intermediaries; incentives; autonomy; competition, whereas
Mintzberg (1996) distinguishes five models lor managing government:
- government-as-machine (rules and standards);
- government-as-network (Weicks' loosely coupled systems);
- performance control (governance as businesses: as to Mintzberg, a new label for the machine-model);
- virtual government (government by privatisation and negotiating contracts only; the best government is no government);
- normative control (key-elements: socialisation, guidance, responsibility, judgment and selection).